Sept. 7, 2010
OP-ED: It Would be an Irreparable Mistake to Leave Afghanistan
By Dr. Mehdi Noorbaksh
Harrisburg, PA (HNN) - Although the cost of the war both in money and blood has been very high and mistakes have been made in conducting the conflict in Afghanistan, America cannot pullout hastily from the nation. America’s continued engagement in Afghanistan can be defended by four assertions. Together, they constitute the foundation of an argument which is significant to be understood in the context of the American foreign policy and the principles that it should hold on to in the future.
First, America has a moral obligation to stay in Afghanistan, in order to stabilize the situation in that country. America intervention in Afghanistan did not only begin after September 11, 2001 as a result of Al-Qaeda terrorism against this country, but had been interfering in Afghani affairs since July 3, 1979 when President Carter signed the first directive for secret aid to the opponents of the pro-Soviet regime in Kabul. Afghanistan was one of the victims of the Cold War era in which underdeveloped and developing nations became involved in proxy wars for the two superpowers.. The Soviets were defeated in Afghanistan, but the country that was left behind after more than a decade of war was destroyed, remaining without an economy or infrastructure. .
Second, if morality is a guide to human behavior, ethics distinguishes between right and wrong. It would be ethically wrong to give up Afghanistan to the Taliban, a force both ideologically rigid and blind, as well as politically violent nature. Ideologically, Taliban subscribes to the Deobandi reading of Islam, a faith that began as a movement by Darul Ulum Deoband in 1866 in Deoband, hundred miles north of Delhi in India. This interpretation of the faith emerged within the confines of a very conservative reading of Sunni Islam.
Deobandi Muslims subscribe to a very literal and austere reading of faith; they oppose interaction between Muslims and people of other faiths and are vehemently against any Western influence in the Muslim world. Among its tenets, Deobandism encourages violent jihad in any part of the world for the protection of Muslims and the Muslim community (Ummah). When it comes to the definition of a Muslim, they have rigid criteria that exclude many, including Shiites who they refer to as non-Muslim.
The Talibani movement believes in violence especially against non-Muslims without recognizing or respecting any international human rights norms, including the right to education for women, and they believe in establishing a government which rules through force. Leaving Afghanistan to such a rigid ideology and violent force is unethical. If the Taliban takes hold of power in Afghanistan, its human rights violations will later shame the United States and the international community.
Third, the Taliban’s hold on power and government in Afghanistan will encourage like-minded international terrorist organizations, especially in the Muslim world, to connect to this regime. All of the terrorist organizations from the Muslim world are anti-Western and in search of establishing a Taliban-style government in their regions. If in power, the Taliban regime in Afghanistan would recreate a new opportunity for these terrorist organizations to aggressively expand and vigorously promote their ideologies.
Such a takeover of Afghanistan would not only embolden the Taliban to break more international norms and conventions, they would also rule Afghanistan more defiantly and violently. If today Americans and NATO forces withdraw from Afghanistan, this act would be considered their defeat and a victory for the Taliban. The implication of such a situation is very complex and exceptionally dangerous. A Talibani victory teaches the lesson that terrorism pays off. This is not a lesson that the international community should allow.
Fourth, if the Taliban were to form a new regime in Afghanistan, they could involve many outside forces in the national affairs. Since Afghanistan is Islamabad’s bridge to Central Asia, Pakistan would definitely be the first nation to support a new Taliban regime in their neighbor, having a strategic interest in good relations with whichever government is established. Afghanistan could be also used as a proxy to prevent India’s expansion of influence in this region of the world. Pakistani involvement would certainly bring Iranian involvement in support of the former Northern Alliance friends. Neighboring Russia, India in opposition to Pakistani influence, and Saudi Arabia along with other Persian Gulf states to partner ideologically with the Taliban, all would become embroiled in Afghani politics under the new rule. This would lead toward regional instability, provoking tension and conflict in that part of the world. The United States cannot remain indifferent to such developments.
The United States cannot afford to leave Afghanistan because it is not a war of choice, but a war of necessity, not only for the security of this nation but also for moral principles. The United States can reassess its occupation plan in Afghanistan and craft a policy assuring Afghans that the new policy will not repeat the mistakes of the past but will concentrate on the rebuilding of Afghan life.
* * *
Dr. Mehdi Noorbaksh is associate professor of international affairs at Harrisburg University of Science and Technology in Harrisburg, PA. Dr. Noorbaksh has published extensively on the Middle East politics, including the Foreign Policy Association, Middle East Policy Journal, and the International Journal of Middle Eastern Studies. Additionally, he is vice president of the World Affairs Council in Harrisburg, a Fellow in the Center for International Studies at the University of St. Thomas in Houston and President of Southwestern International Studies Association.
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OP-ED: It Would be an Irreparable Mistake to Leave Afghanistan
By Dr. Mehdi Noorbaksh
Harrisburg, PA (HNN) - Although the cost of the war both in money and blood has been very high and mistakes have been made in conducting the conflict in Afghanistan, America cannot pullout hastily from the nation. America’s continued engagement in Afghanistan can be defended by four assertions. Together, they constitute the foundation of an argument which is significant to be understood in the context of the American foreign policy and the principles that it should hold on to in the future.
First, America has a moral obligation to stay in Afghanistan, in order to stabilize the situation in that country. America intervention in Afghanistan did not only begin after September 11, 2001 as a result of Al-Qaeda terrorism against this country, but had been interfering in Afghani affairs since July 3, 1979 when President Carter signed the first directive for secret aid to the opponents of the pro-Soviet regime in Kabul. Afghanistan was one of the victims of the Cold War era in which underdeveloped and developing nations became involved in proxy wars for the two superpowers.. The Soviets were defeated in Afghanistan, but the country that was left behind after more than a decade of war was destroyed, remaining without an economy or infrastructure. .
Second, if morality is a guide to human behavior, ethics distinguishes between right and wrong. It would be ethically wrong to give up Afghanistan to the Taliban, a force both ideologically rigid and blind, as well as politically violent nature. Ideologically, Taliban subscribes to the Deobandi reading of Islam, a faith that began as a movement by Darul Ulum Deoband in 1866 in Deoband, hundred miles north of Delhi in India. This interpretation of the faith emerged within the confines of a very conservative reading of Sunni Islam.
Deobandi Muslims subscribe to a very literal and austere reading of faith; they oppose interaction between Muslims and people of other faiths and are vehemently against any Western influence in the Muslim world. Among its tenets, Deobandism encourages violent jihad in any part of the world for the protection of Muslims and the Muslim community (Ummah). When it comes to the definition of a Muslim, they have rigid criteria that exclude many, including Shiites who they refer to as non-Muslim.
The Talibani movement believes in violence especially against non-Muslims without recognizing or respecting any international human rights norms, including the right to education for women, and they believe in establishing a government which rules through force. Leaving Afghanistan to such a rigid ideology and violent force is unethical. If the Taliban takes hold of power in Afghanistan, its human rights violations will later shame the United States and the international community.
Third, the Taliban’s hold on power and government in Afghanistan will encourage like-minded international terrorist organizations, especially in the Muslim world, to connect to this regime. All of the terrorist organizations from the Muslim world are anti-Western and in search of establishing a Taliban-style government in their regions. If in power, the Taliban regime in Afghanistan would recreate a new opportunity for these terrorist organizations to aggressively expand and vigorously promote their ideologies.
Such a takeover of Afghanistan would not only embolden the Taliban to break more international norms and conventions, they would also rule Afghanistan more defiantly and violently. If today Americans and NATO forces withdraw from Afghanistan, this act would be considered their defeat and a victory for the Taliban. The implication of such a situation is very complex and exceptionally dangerous. A Talibani victory teaches the lesson that terrorism pays off. This is not a lesson that the international community should allow.
Fourth, if the Taliban were to form a new regime in Afghanistan, they could involve many outside forces in the national affairs. Since Afghanistan is Islamabad’s bridge to Central Asia, Pakistan would definitely be the first nation to support a new Taliban regime in their neighbor, having a strategic interest in good relations with whichever government is established. Afghanistan could be also used as a proxy to prevent India’s expansion of influence in this region of the world. Pakistani involvement would certainly bring Iranian involvement in support of the former Northern Alliance friends. Neighboring Russia, India in opposition to Pakistani influence, and Saudi Arabia along with other Persian Gulf states to partner ideologically with the Taliban, all would become embroiled in Afghani politics under the new rule. This would lead toward regional instability, provoking tension and conflict in that part of the world. The United States cannot remain indifferent to such developments.
The United States cannot afford to leave Afghanistan because it is not a war of choice, but a war of necessity, not only for the security of this nation but also for moral principles. The United States can reassess its occupation plan in Afghanistan and craft a policy assuring Afghans that the new policy will not repeat the mistakes of the past but will concentrate on the rebuilding of Afghan life.
* * *
Dr. Mehdi Noorbaksh is associate professor of international affairs at Harrisburg University of Science and Technology in Harrisburg, PA. Dr. Noorbaksh has published extensively on the Middle East politics, including the Foreign Policy Association, Middle East Policy Journal, and the International Journal of Middle Eastern Studies. Additionally, he is vice president of the World Affairs Council in Harrisburg, a Fellow in the Center for International Studies at the University of St. Thomas in Houston and President of Southwestern International Studies Association.
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